Have you ever wondered what bops powerful figures are listening to on Spotify? You’d be amazed what you can get with a profile search — but just in case you want them all in one place, there’s the Panama Playlists, a newly published collection of data on the musical listening habits of politicians, journalists, and tech figures, as curated by an anonymous figure.
The site appears to have data for a number of notables, including Open AI CEO Sam Altman, Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, US Attorney General Pam Bondi, and Late Night host Seth Meyers. Five people featured on the website confirmed to The Verge that data for them is accurate: “Thankfully mine isn’t too embarrassing,” New York Times journalist Mike Isaac tweeted. Spotify’s Laura Batey said Spotify would not have any comments before this story’s publication.
“What I’d be way more interested in is what podcasts people like JD Vance, Karoline Leavitt etc are listening to!!”
Among the notables are Vice President JD Vance — whose “Making Dinner” playlist features “I Want It That Way” by the Backstreet Boys and “One Time” by Justin Bieber, according to the site. Vance spokesperson Taylor Van Kirk did not respond to a request for comment.
Taylor Lorenz, who is also featured on the site — “Take a Bow” by Rihanna and “Romeo and Juliet” by Dire Straits appear on her playlist, “Favs” — confirmed her listing. “I mostly use Spotify to listen to podcasts and what I’d be way more interested in is what podcasts people like JD Vance, Karoline Leavitt etc are listening to!!” she said in a text message. Former Verge staffer Joanna Stern, who is a personal tech columnist at The Wall Street Journal, confirmed her information is accurate and added, “the maker of the Panama Papers Playlists seems to be anti-Third Eye Blind.”
Another featured journalist, Kara Swisher, said that the playlist listed for her wasn’t accurate. (It is called “My Peloton Music” and features “Savage” by Megan Thee Stallion.) But Swisher also said that she shares a Peloton with her wife, so the site may have picked up her wife’s Peloton music. Reached for comment, the editor Amanda Katz, Swisher’s wife, said that playlist is “definitely not mine.” Katz added, “[Swisher] doesn’t even really use Spotify. In conclusion, trust no one.” Those songs might have played during a Peloton class, Katz said. If Katz is right, then judging people by the “My Peloton Music” playlists is about as accurate as judging people by whatever’s on at their gym.
This website is possible because Spotify’s design assumes everyone wants to share everything with the entire world and makes it difficult for users to protect their privacy. It defaults to making all playlists and profiles public. To change that, users need to go to the “Privacy and social” menu and toggle the “Public playlists” setting to private. However, that won’t retroactively make playlists private; instead, you’ll have to do all that by hand on each individual playlist.
It’s not clear who’s behind the website, or how they got ahold of this data
A lot of people use their name as their login — which may be because they signed up with their Facebook accounts. That makes searching for people particularly easy; I was able to find a Spotify profile for an Adam Mosseri that listed the “Hang” playlist on the Panama Playlists website. Mosseri did not respond to an email asking if that account belonged to him. I found two Palmer Luckey accounts; one, “Palmer Freeman Luckey,” contained the “Best Music Ever” playlist that the Panama Playlists identified. “I can confirm the playlist is real,” Luckey posted on X.
It’s not clear who’s behind the website, or how they got ahold of this data. Some of the profiles, such as that of NBC’s Al Roker, include play counts for specific songs — which aren’t part of the public profile. If Roker had his “Listening activity” setting toggled to “on,” it’s possible whoever put this together followed Roker, then manually counted how many times he listened to Elton John’s “Philadelphia Freedom,” but I can’t say for sure.
When The Verge staffers were reviewing our own privacy settings, one of my editors was stunned to discover I was following her. She thought she’d set her own profile to maximum privacy — but when the two of us collaborated on a friend’s playlist, I was able to follow her. She never received a notification. And when I checked in on my own profile, I was surprised to discover that I too had followers I had never been notified about.
Spotify collects a lot more personal data than most users realize. Search queries, streaming history, browsing history, interaction with other users, location data, device IDs, and even data about how you hold your devices are among the information for collection listed in the company’s privacy policy. It is not possible to make a private profile; your profile name and photo are always available to any Spotify user you haven’t blocked.
The “Panama Playlists” is pretty silly as private data goes — discovering people’s favorite songs isn’t nearly as scandalous as getting into their email, direct messages, or other sensitive data. But it does reflect a generalized move toward total surveillance. A similar and more serious version of this kind of Silicon Valley carelessness around user privacy has resulted in multiple stories about politicians’ public Venmo transactions.
Some of the data featured was more specific than playlists. According to this site, Alexandr Wang, Meta’s chief AI officer, played The Lumineers’ “Stubborn Love” immediately after Meta’s $14 billion investment in Scale AI. Wang didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.
Casey Newton, my former colleague who writes the Platformer newsletter, confirmed his information was accurate: his No. 1 song last year was “All You Children” by Jamie xx and the Avalanches. “Here is my comment: ‘All You Children’ by Jamie [xx and the Avalanches] absolutely slaps,” he wrote. “Highly recommended for your summer BBQ playlists.”
With reporting by Nilay Patel and Sarah Jeong.
]]>The ultimate source for The New York Times’ story about Zohran Mamdani’s college application is an open secret. It’s an anime-loving neo-Nazi whose hobbies include furry drawings, posting fan art of a video game character, and hacking universities. On X, the alleged hacker is followed by New York Times freelancer Benjamin Ryan, who was the first byline on the Mamdani story.
The alleged hacker uses an online handle that is a racial slur, so I will be referring to them as the Anime Nazi; they have taken credit for five hacks of universities. Three of them, as first reported by Bloomberg, targeted the University of Minnesota, New York University, and Columbia University.
Social media reviewed by The Verge — including X and fediverse accounts — shows a series of reposts of statements and images such as swastikas, “miss u hitler,” and “minorities have no place in our world.” The Anime Nazi themselves posted such things as “I am racist,” “I am violently racist toward black people,” and a picture of a unicorn sitting on a swastika.
On a post from November 5th, 2024, when then-presidential candidate Kamala Harris’ X account was encouraging people to vote, the alleged hacker’s account replied, “You will be executed.” The next post after that was “kill them all please, mr president.” When another X account asked the Anime Nazi if they were concerned about law enforcement, they replied with a quote of a post from President Donald Trump: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law.”
The Anime Nazi appears to have been specifically targeting universities, often for admissions data. They claim to have stolen data from millions of people. The data include Social Security numbers, addresses, family members’ information, and citizenship status. Perhaps significantly, that information also includes self-reported race — meaning that someone who is, in their own words, “violently racist toward black people” has lists of people who identify as Black.
The alleged hacker, in response to a request for comment, wrote that this story wouldn’t achieve anything but making The Verge look ridiculous and “giving funny publicity to me.” Most journalists, they claimed, “are smart enough to figure that out before publishing, so end up removing my name and any direct references to me.” They added, in a separate email, “My comment: her name is [slur].”
In what little reporting exists about the actual Columbia breach (and not what stolen data reveal about a mayoral candidate when he was 17 years old), the hacker has been said to be “politically motivated.” Bloomberg, which spoke to the hacker, reported that they are acquiring information about whether universities persisted in affirmative action admissions after the Supreme Court effectively banned the practice in 2023. Insofar as open racism can be said to be a political motivation, the hacker is indeed politically motivated. But it also has the effect of soft-pedaling the reason for repeated attacks on institutions of higher learning. The Anime Nazi is an activist like a Klansman is an activist.
This is important because journalistic best practices around the use of hacked materials is to contextualize the hacker’s motivation, if the materials are used at all. While it appears to be true that the hacker opposes affirmative action, it may be more relevant — particularly when the news article in question attacks a left-wing politician of color — that the hacker’s pseudonym is literally a racist slur.
The redactions in the New York University data were imperfect, however
The hacker says they redact SSNs and other personally identifying data before releasing information from the intrusions. In the case of the Minnesota hack, they claim, “I only posted (redacted) bare minimum to prove they’re breaking the law.” One of their admirers has claimed they are “the nicest possible hacker.” The redactions in the New York University data were imperfect, however, says Zack Ganot, the CEO of DataBreach.com. “He says he’s not trying to leak personal information,” Ganot says. “He did a lousy job.” Emails, names, and home addresses, among other personal identifying information, are available in the data from the NYU leak.
Ganot notes that the data is valuable; to his knowledge, the hacker hasn’t yet sold it. This isn’t necessarily surprising — that’s not the kind of damage they’re trying to do — but it also doesn’t mean the data is safe.
This alleged hacker’s racial animus aligns with the recent Republican war on higher education. It also aligns with a turn from certain Silicon Valley circles against elite universities. Universities aren’t just politically endangered — they are, in the hacker’s own words, “soft targets.”
“Universities have basically the most vulnerable networks that exist in my experience,” the Anime Nazi wrote. “Massive networks with huge surface area and a lot of legacy systems.” They also generally spend less on security than private companies. Unless the hacker is caught or America’s universities seriously upgrade their security quickly, the Anime Nazi could very well strike again.
So who are they?
By far the majority of the Anime Nazi’s posts are of Sachiko Koshimizu, a character from a video game called The Idolmaster Cinderella Girls. This character also appeared on the front page of 4chan — which adopted the nickname slur years ago — starting as early as 2017. The posts are largely fan art and highly repetitive, almost compulsive or bot-like; the same images are posted repeatedly. The Anime Nazi also likes to respond to other people’s posts of Sachiko, saying, “her name is [slur].”
In older posts, they say they submitted bug reports to various entities under their slur pseudonym, including the University of York and the BBC, in the hopes of having it permanently included on the website. Sometimes their followers will co-opt a phrase used by activists to raise awareness for Black women who are victims of police violence: “Say her name.” They do not mean Sachiko.
The Anime Nazi’s posts tend to appear during waking hours in Japan and Australia, according to an analysis by The Verge — though terminally online posters can (and often do) keep odd hours. When The Verge reached out for comment at 10PM in Japan, the Anime Nazi responded almost immediately, and continued to respond promptly after 1AM JST. However, the timestamps in their emails appeared to indicate that their computer is set to Greenwich Mean Time (the same time zone as London).
One of the places they post is on a notoriously racist Mastodon instance called Poast, which gives us a few further clues — because the instance, where they allegedly served as a moderator for the “overnight” shift, was apparently hacked in 2023 and had its users’ direct messages seemingly leaked.
The Anime Nazi’s current X account isn’t their first — an early post on their current account has a Twitter-era reply asking what happened to the other one. The Anime Nazi says they will DM on Mastodon. According to the allegedly leaked Poast DMs, the original account was deactivated by Twitter’s moderators — the hacker appealed and lost. There is one interaction left over from the previous account, in which a furry called Argyle Achilles thanks the Anime Nazi for fan art of his character. Argyle Achilles is somewhat infamous in the furry community for a video he made titled “Why We Need Racism.” The Poast leak also appears to contain DMs in which users often request that the hacker make them art.
Most legal and government references in the hacker’s posts appear to be to the US government, such as the National Security Agency and the US Cyber Command. The user appears to use American English, preferring “-ize” and “color” to “-ise” and “colour.”
Though the Anime Nazi is brazen, they don’t leave obvious clues to their identity. The posts on their accounts fall roughly into four categories: bragging about their alleged hacks, posts of Sachiko fan art, vicious racism, and commentary on hacking and code. “I do ‘computer security’ for a living,” the Anime Nazi wrote in an October 2023 post. In April, the Anime Nazi noted that just after the NYU hack, police found “one redirector I logged into something from” and “physically shut down the device. within a few hours.”
“That response time’s actually impressive,” they went on. “It’s not for lack of trying.”
The posts about hacking are the most substantive. At one point, the Anime Nazi celebrates being followed by Harold T. Martin, an NSA contractor who stole government secrets for 20 years, accumulating at least 50 terabytes of data that was mostly “highly classified and related to hacking,” according to The Washington Post. In another post, the Anime Nazi wrote, “I see aspiring hacker in your bio friend,” before offering to help that poster learn to code. In 2023, they replied to cybersecurity reporter Kim Zetter, taking issue with a Kaspersky analysis of a spy platform: “Kaspersky pushing a ‘similarities to NSA’ angle really hard for some reason, even though it’s obviously not.”
There are also a significant number of posts bragging about the Anime Nazi’s alleged hacks. “I’m on TV,” they posted at one point, linking a YouTube video about the University of Minnesota’s data breach. They have posted legal complaints filed against New York University by people whose data they allegedly stole. They have also reposted someone with the handle Crémieux calling them the “nicest possible hacker.” That seems arguable.
On both the Mastodon and X accounts, the hacker takes credit for the three known university hacks — and two that have been, until now, unreported by the media. One, at the University of Mississippi, had to have been placed by someone or something with administrative privileges, according to Palo Alto Networks’ writeup of the hack. When the computer was rebooted, it played “Dixie” through the computer speakers and displayed, the Anime Nazi claimed, a full-screen image of a Confederate flag. The hacker also posted what appears to be a screen recording of the exploit in action. The malware sample in question was flagged by Kaspersky in 2024. The University of Mississippi did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
The target of the alleged hack at Miami University of Ohio is less clear; the hacker posted a screenshot they claimed showed they were inside the university’s systems “a couple years ago.” Miami University did not respond to a request for comment.
Both the NYU and Minnesota hacks spawned lawsuits, though the Minnesota suit was dismissed without prejudice in 2023. According to the complaint, the University of Minnesota was hacked in 2021 and didn’t notice until the Anime Nazi posted about it in July 2023. This hacking took place before the Supreme Court ruling outlawed affirmative action — and the data from the hack consequently cannot demonstrate the University of Minnesota was violating the law, due to the linear nature of time. This does somewhat undermine any remaining claims to “hactivism.”
At NYU, the Anime Nazi hacked the university’s actual website over spring break. For about two hours, NYU’s homepage displayed links to stolen data, as well as charts that allegedly categorized test scores on the SAT and ACT by race. At least 10 class action lawsuits have been filed as a result. The US has expansive and notoriously punitive anti-hacking laws — and these hacks are big boy crimes. The FBI declined to comment on this story.
During the Columbia hack, Trump’s face appeared on some computer screens across campus
During the Columbia hack, Trump’s face appeared on some computer screens across campus. That’s notable, because Columbia has been in the crosshairs of the Trump administration, which has frozen $400 million of funding while accusing the university of failing to protect Jewish students during protests against the Israeli war in Gaza. The government has targeted Columbia student protesters; one was snatched by ICE and imprisoned in a detention facility, others have had their visas revoked. (Meanwhile, the university has suspended, expelled, and revoked degrees from student protesters).
It’s not just Columbia; elite universities have been targeted by the right broadly. Harvard’s student data has been subpoenaed, and its accreditation threatened by the Trump administration; right-wing activists had previously forced the resignation of president Claudine Gay, who had been the first Black president of Harvard. University of Virginia president James E. Ryan was forced out in June, after a battle with the Trump administration over the university’s diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives. At Johns Hopkins University, Stephen Miller’s America First organization lodged a complaint claiming that making the medical school free for students whose families make less than $300,000 amounts to “mask[ing] racial preferences behind income thresholds.”
The Republican offensive against and “wokeness” and “DEI” (diversity, equity, and inclusion programs) is part of a general movement to undo the Civil Right Act. It’s an extension of the Republican campaign against affirmative action, admissions policies meant to improve representation among groups that had previously been discriminated against. The Johns Hopkins suit widens the scope beyond taking down efforts towards racial equality, but is ultimately a much more honest expression of what the anti-affirmative action movement is about: to retrench universities as the gated playgrounds of the rich.
Trump advisor and billionaire Marc Andreessen sent messages to a group chat in May saying, “The combination of DEI and immigration is politically lethal,” according to The Washington Post. “When these two forms of discrimination combine, as they have for the last 60 years and on hyperdrive for the last decade, they systematically cut most of the children of the Trump voter base out of any realistic prospect of access to higher education and corporate America.”
Andreessen also said that “my people are furious and are not going to take it anymore” and that “universities were ground zero of the counterattack.” The universities, he claimed, are “BOTH actively discriminating against us AND primary origin points and propagation vectors” for diversity policies he says are discrimination.
College admissions officers frequently have institutional priorities beyond test scores and GPA, according to US News and World Report, which maintains a list of the most-prestigious universities in the US. That may include recruiting athletes, musicians, or artists who may not otherwise meet admission requirements; it may also include legacy admissions, or maintaining a mix of in-state and out-of-state students.
In university admissions, one group is consistently discriminated against: women. For more than 20 years, admissions officers have put “a thumb on the scale to get boys,” as The New York Times puts it. There, the institutional goal is to maintain a desirable gender balance. Discrimination in favor of men does not appear to be something that interests either Andreessen or the Anime Nazi.
The focus on elite universities obscures something else. Many schools have more relaxed admissions policies, and some admit every student who applies. This is to say nothing of community colleges and trade schools. If Americans want “access to higher education,” they’re not short of options — at least, if they have the money for it.
But elite universities are places where power concentrates, which may be why the right wing is so interested in who gets to attend. People who attend those schools often have the connections to take prestigious jobs, especially political office. Which makes the pivot from admissions data broadly to the admissions files of specific individuals — like Zohran Mamdani — a new, more dangerous turn from the hacker. How many other future politicians are in that data? And how disruptive might it be to leak, say, their admissions essays?
The New York Times, which published the story about Mamdani’s Columbia application, made no mention of the Anime Nazi in its report. The Mamdani data is credited to “Crémieux,” a publicly known pseudonym for Jordan Lasker, a prominent internet eugenicist. As noted above, Lasker, under this pseudonym, has called the Anime Nazi “the nicest possible hacker.” Lasker is among the Anime Nazi’s followers and has openly thanked the hacker for their work, saying of the NYU hack in March, “I hope you manage to do this to more universities.” Lasker wrote about the Columbia hack on June 24th and was, according to The New York Times, the intermediary by which the paper received Mamdani’s hacked Columbia application. Reporting from Mother Jones suggests Lasker may have a neo-Nazi history of his own.
Benjamin Ryan, the first byline on the Times’ story about Mamdani, follows the alleged hacker on X. Ryan is the only non-staffer on the story and also the only non-political reporter. He typically writes about science for the Times, and often about trans kids in his newsletter. Ryan is a subscriber of Lasker’s email newsletter, Cremieux Recueil, according to the “reads” section of the Substack app. It is not terribly difficult to figure out why Ryan is credited on the story — he is the reporter most likely to have gotten ahold of the application. Ryan did not respond to a request for comment.
Benjamin Ryan, the first byline on The Times’ story about Mamdani, follows the alleged hacker on X
It’s not unusual for journalists to use hacked materials, or those from less-than-savory sources. But best practices around hacked materials means being judicious about what to use, and giving the audience context about what the hack was meant to accomplish. It is difficult to believe The New York Times doesn’t know that — after all, a great deal of discussion around the ethics of using data from hacks sprang from the paper’s coverage of leaked emails from a hack of Hillary Clinton’s private server. In its story about Mamdani, The Times says the hack “appears to have been carried out in order to see if Columbia was still using race-conscious affirmative action in its admission policies after the Supreme Court effectively barred the practice in 2023,” but that’s it.
The Times account makes no reference to the Anime Nazi. It does not even identify Lasker by name, nor does it note that his pseudonym is a reference to a politician who excluded Muslims from French citizenship. (Mamdani is Muslim.) Mamdani is one of Trump’s new obsessions; the president has threatened to arrest the mayoral candidate, falsely suggested Mamdani is in the US illegally, and suggested that if Mamdani is elected, New York City’s federal funding might be at risk.
The alleged hacker took credit for the story. “This wasn’t some targeted thing based on ‘beef’ in the first place,” the Anime Nazi posted on July 7th. “It was basically an accident.” After noticing Mamdani’s application, the Anime Nazi told a chat about it “because it was funny and it all spiraled from there.”
The Anime Nazi also reposted someone saying, “I don’t really care what Mamdani put on his college admissions, the idea that a guy on Poast could prank Columbia and get The New York Times newsroom to start eating itself alive is hilarious to me.”
The New York Times declined to comment on whether the paper knew there was a social media account taking credit for the hack, whether the ultimate source of the reporting was the Anime Nazi, the comments made by the Anime Nazi’s social media accounts, whether Ryan was the source of the scoop, or whether Ryan informed the paper of Lasker’s identity beyond the pseudonym. Instead, spokesperson Charlie Stadtlander provided a July 4 X thread from Patrick Healy, the assistant managing editor for standards and trust at the paper, and previous reporting from Lachlan Cartwright’s Breaker Media. An email address associated with Lasker did not return a request for comment.
The source of the leaked application was obvious to the Anime Nazi’s followers
The source of the leaked application was obvious to the Anime Nazi’s followers. Curtis Yarvin, personal friend of Vice President JD Vance and neo-monarchist, commented on a screenshot of a Chris Hayes post from Bluesky, saying, “He’s upset they’re not crediting [Anime Nazi].” Another person — a pseudonymous but influential account followed by Elon Musk, Yarvin, Lasker, and others — seemed to believe The New York Times knew about the Anime Nazi, posting, “It’s incredible opsec to have a hacker name so offensive that news media can’t even refer to you by your pseudonym and they have to go through your designated ‘intermediary’ instead.”
If all these crimes are indeed attributable to the Anime Nazi, the Columbia hack and Mamdani leak represent significant escalation. The Columbia hack happened as the school was under political pressure; the Mamdani leak occurred as Trump made him an administration adversary. The alleged hacker quotes Trump publicly as a way of exonerating themselves: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law.” It is not difficult to imagine the alleged hacker aligning themselves even more closely with the Trump administration’s whims moving forward — either because they agree with Trump’s ideology or because they are hoping to stay out of jail.
It has certainly occurred to some of the Anime Nazi’s followers that a hack can be used to humiliate political enemies. Derek Park — a cofounder of Nextnet, Inc, an AI company for life science researchers — tagged the alleged hacker into a discussion about getting ahold of Supreme Court Justice’s Ketanji Brown Jackson’s LSAT score. Park did not respond to a request for comment.
Scrolling through the Anime Nazi accounts was taking a bath in cruelty, contempt, and hate. Notably missing from those posts was anything like joy or happiness. It was further confirmation, if anyone needed it, of the observations in “Who goes Nazi?”, an essay by Dorothy Thompson published in 1941. “Kind, good, happy, gentlemanly, secure people never go Nazi,” Thompson wrote. “Those who haven’t anything in them to tell them what they like and what they don’t—whether it is breeding, or happiness, or wisdom, or a code, however old-fashioned or however modern, go Nazi.” That’s as true of security professionals as it is of anyone else.
Additional reporting by Sarah Jeong.
Updated 12PM ET: Updated to more specifically identify Zack Ganot, who is the CEO of Databreach.com — which is wholly owned by Atlas Privacy.
]]>On June 24th, Columbia University experienced an hourslong system-wide outage. Its internal email service went down. Students couldn’t log in to the platform where professors post assignments and course materials. Library catalogs went offline. Zoom was unavailable. Every single service that required Columbia’s official authentication service was affected, but maybe most eerily, images of President Donald Trump appeared on some screens across the campus. During that time, the personal data of at least every person who applied to Columbia between 2019 and 2024 was stolen.
It’s not yet clear the full scope of the breach, according to Columbia. But someone claiming to be the hacker almost immediately began shopping that data around, giving 1.6 gigabytes of admissions records “dating back decades” to Bloomberg. And that’s supposedly just the tip of the iceberg. The self-identified hacker said they had stolen 460 gigabytes, including 1.8 million Social Security numbers, financial aid package information, and employee pay stubs — the result of two months burrowing into Columbia’s servers before finally gaining the highest level of access. Bloomberg confirmed details of the Columbia data it received with eight current and former students; they were accurate. Millie Wert, a spokesperson for Columbia, referred The Verge to the university’s previous statements on the hack.
These are three politically motivated hacks of higher education, focused on the admissions process
The hack appears to be politically motivated: the purported hacker told Bloomberg as much, saying they stole the data because they wanted to know whether Columbia had continued to engage in “affirmative action,” admissions policies meant to improve opportunities for groups that colleges had once discriminated against, after the practice was barred in 2023 by the Supreme Court.
The Republican war on affirmative action is part of a broader push to undermine the Civil Rights Act, which is barely disguised as attacks on “wokeness” and “DEI.” Shortly after taking office, Trump signed an executive order banning “illegal discrimination,” which targeted so-called diversity, equity, and inclusion programs, a fairly broad umbrella of initiatives meant to make sure underrepresented groups don’t face barriers in schools and workplaces. In the broader scheme, the Columbia University hack figures as a wildcat attempt at enforcing the right-wing ideological project of bringing back open racism.
The attack on Columbia is, in this context, a remarkable story. Moreover, it comes on the heels of cyberattacks on New York University and the University of Minnesota, both of which the alleged hacker took credit for when speaking to Bloomberg. In March, someone stole NYU applicants’ personal details, including financial aid, “dating back to at least 1989,” according to Washington Square News. Similarly, in July 2023, someone posted records from the University of Minnesota dating to the 1980s, and those records included 7 million Social Security numbers.
According to Bloomberg’s source, these are three politically motivated hacks of higher education, focused on the admissions process and containing personal information protected by law. Moreover, the supposed hacker — who, if we take them at their word, is working alone and has an ax to grind about the supposed favored status of racial minorities in American society — specifically sought out information about self-reported race and ethnicity, and has now essentially acquired lists of people categorized by race.
There has been precious little reporting on the Columbia hack
And yet, there has been precious little reporting on the Columbia hack. Wired hasn’t covered it, and, until this story, neither has The Verge. Nor have The Chronicle of Higher Education, CyberScoop, 404 Media, TechCrunch, or Krebs on Security. These — including The Verge — are small to medium-size entities, and there’s any number of possible reasons why they didn’t pick it up. (On our end, it was partly because we were short-staffed during a national holiday, and partly because we didn’t immediately piece together how extraordinary this particular hack is.) But coverage at the much bigger, well-resourced institutions is also scanty. The Wall Street Journal passed on the story. Reuters has a brief on the initial outage; AP has a short write-up as well, which The Washington Post ran as part of their syndication deal.
The most extensive reporting comes from Bloomberg and The New York Times.
Here is how The New York Times has elected to cover it:
For those of us keeping score at home, that’s two stories about the hack and its overall political implications, both of which are less informative than Bloomberg; one story using hacked data to smear a mayoral candidate; and two stories jerking off.
As a result of the Mamdani leak, The New York Times has one of the best leads on the identity of the hacker
Zohran Mamdani, as a high school senior, marked himself as both Asian and Black/African American on his college application, adding the clarifying note “Uganda” next to the latter, according to hacked data passed to the Times. He is a South Asian man born in Uganda. He did not attend Columbia University.
It’s not much of a story. But as a result of the Mamdani leak, The New York Times has one of the best leads on the identity of the hacker. The Times identifies Jordan Lasker as the source of Mamdani’s college application (though bafflingly only by his internet alias “Crémieux”), and he likely has some idea about where he got it from. Bloomberg obviously has its own lead — and you’d think the two would be competing to get more information about this politically motivated hack out to the general public.
Maybe we will see some impressive reporting shortly and someone is chasing it right now. Or perhaps there is simply no one at the Times who can report out the story, which now involves three major data breaches. Certainly the handling of Mamdani’s college application makes it look like the Times is either unfamiliar with or unwilling to engage in best practices around hacked materials. It does, however, strain credulity to think this particular newspaper would be unaware of those standards.
Had reporters been played by hackers? (Yes.)
In 2016, The New York Times ran a series of stories about Hillary Clinton’s emails, which had been hosted on a private server — not recommended, for security reasons — while she was secretary of state. Following a relentless news cycle about her emails, a Democratic National Committee email server was hacked. WikiLeaks published almost 20,000 stolen emails, notably spending October dropping batches of damaging emails from Clinton’s campaign chair. As early as June 2016, the media already had a pretty good idea that the hacker was actually the Russian government, but went all out on the emails anyway. (In 2018, a US grand jury indicted 12 Russian intelligence officers in connection with the hack.) The extensive coverage of those hacked emails — from the Times and elsewhere — likely contributed to Clinton’s loss to Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election, even though the emails were nothingburgers. Does anyone even remember the contents?
Journalists have long struggled over balancing newsworthiness and sourcing — the 2014 North Korean hack of Sony Pictures produced a spectacular revelation about Hollywood’s war on Google, but also gossip intended to humiliate Amy Pascal, where reporters played along and effectively did Kim Jong Un’s bidding. But the WikiLeaks-DNC emails incident led to intense media navel-gazing. Had reporters been played by hackers? (Yes.) Was there a way to avoid that in the future? (Yes.) Journalists seriously reevaluated how to treat hacked materials, and how much emphasis to put on them.
This is why coverage of the emails from Hunter Biden’s laptop was so muted. And when the Trump / Vance presidential campaign of 2024 was hacked, publications were careful about how to cover it. Though reporters at a variety of outlets, including The New York Times and The Washington Post, received offers of internal documents, they largely declined to run them. Instead, papers reported on the details of the hack itself, which was allegedly performed by Iranian state actors. A dossier of hacked information on vice presidential nominee JD Vance was published by independent journalist Ken Klippenstein, though its spread was throttled by X because it contained personal information. (Previously, X’s owner, Elon Musk, claimed that the suppression of stories about the Hunter Biden laptop was evidence that conservative speech was being stifled.)
Hackers don’t make journalistic assignments. Journalists do
In justifying the coverage decisions around leaked materials, there was a common thread: Hackers don’t make journalistic assignments. Journalists do. No news organization — including this one — would make a blanket rule against hacked materials. Instead, the idea would be to be judicious about what was being leaked and by who, giving readers information on what the hack was meant to accomplish if the information in it was found to be newsworthy.
The Times’ coverage of the hacked Mamdani material flies in the face of the editorial decisions around Hunter Biden’s emails and the hacked documents from the Trump campaign. The choice to use the material is inconsistent with previous decisions, but that’s not all. The framing of the story might as well have been dictated by the hacker, who has it out for affirmative action, and the internet eugenicist who supplied the material.
I reached out to The New York Times to request comment on how they’d identified the source and framed the story. Spokeswoman Danielle Rhoades Ha declined to answer those questions, and sent a statement that read, in part, “Reporters receive tips from people with biases and bad motives all the time, but we only publish such information after we’ve independently verified it, confirmed it, done our own reporting on it and judged it to be newsworthy.”
The context in which these actors are going after Columbia is important as well. The Trump regime has come at the Ivy League broadly over diversity, equity, and inclusion programs. It has singled out Columbia specifically, leveraging accusations of antisemitism over the university’s handling of protests against the Israeli attacks on Gaza. Trump’s ICE has targeted student protesters, disappearing them into faraway facilities.
Frankly, we will have gotten off lightly if “Mamdani Once Claimed to Be Asian and African American” is the only hit the Columbia hacker manages to land with their stolen data
The institution has not exactly been defiant about the attacks on its students — days after the ICE raid that took Mahmoud Khalil, the university expelled, suspended, or revoked the degrees of students who occupied a campus building last spring as part of a protest. This did not pacify the Trump regime, which has frozen $400 million of funding for Columbia University and is currently negotiating a settlement with the university.
The timing of the hack, given the university’s relationship with the Trump regime, raised my eyebrows. A hacker who is also a Trump follower might attempt to pressure Columbia with stolen data, perhaps via strategic leaks to major newspapers, in order to get it to capitulate to Trump’s pressure campaigns.
Who did the hacking and how did it happen? What was stolen, and where is it being stored? Is any of it being sold? What other schools are being targeted? How will this stolen information place pressure on Columbia? These questions all seem like fertile ground for reporting. It would be nice if The New York Times was interested in that story. But at the absolute bare minimum, when it ran its bizarre story about Mamdani’s college application, it should have made the political motivations of the hacker clear to the reader.
If it’s true that the Times allowed itself to become the mouthpiece of an anti-affirmative action hacktivist, it is a travesty. But frankly, we will have gotten off lightly if “Mamdani Once Claimed to Be Asian and African American” is the only hit the Columbia hacker manages to land with their stolen data. They may well be poised to do much more damage, and at a time when the university has already been brought to its knees.
There are as yet no indications that the hacker has anything other than admissions data, which is something of a relief, given how much stuff there is at any given university. In fact, speaking of journalistic ethics: even though journalism does not have one single body that upholds professional ethics, The Columbia Journalism Review — housed at Columbia University, alongside a renowned journalism school and the prestigious Pulitzer Prizes — is widely acknowledged as a leading institution in setting and guiding norms in the profession. One might think of the Columbia hack as an indirect attack on journalists and journalistic institutions; it is possible the hacker has data that could be weaponized in a direct one.
I am struggling to understand why I can find so little reporting on something that seems awfully newsworthy. Look, I’m the in-house finance nerd at the phones website; I rely on people who know how computers work to do reporting on hacks. But here we have a politically motivated hack of three universities, data from which has been used by the nation’s most prestigious newspaper to attempt a hit job on a Democratic mayoral candidate, and precious little else. I get that we all have hacking fatigue — it feels like every other week, some major business gets rekt — but the Columbia University story is different. Is anyone going to treat it that way?
]]>Lately, it has been difficult to ignore a tendency at The New York Times to make astonishingly bad news judgments. The paper’s obsession with a view from nowhere is long-standing, but as Republicans increasingly circulate insane conspiracy theories and racist nonsense, the cult of centrism has taken a self-destructive turn.
The most recent — and perhaps most egregious — way this has surfaced is a story about New York mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani’s application to Columbia University in 2009, when he was a high school senior. Mamdani, who was born in Uganda and is of South Asian descent, identified himself as “Asian” and “Black or African American” on the checklist provided by the application. “Most college applications don’t have a box for Indian-Ugandans, so I checked multiple boxes trying to capture the fullness of my background,” Mamdani told the Times.
It is an odd story. (Mamdani didn’t even go to Columbia, for one.) You can imagine a different way of framing the story — a thumbsucker about identity with the headline “What does it mean to be a Ugandan Indian?” But the Times’ racist framing, which implies Mamdani was trying to game the admissions system, is one that plays better with the increasingly racist right-wing ecosystem.
The New York Times declined to comment on the story’s framing. Instead, spokesperson Danielle Rhoades Ha sent the following statement:
Reporters receive tips from people with biases and bad motives all the time, but we only publish such information after we’ve independently verified it, confirmed it, done our own reporting on it and judged it to be newsworthy. In this case, Mr. Mamdani himself confirmed the information. And, the information was valuable to the public in that it helped readers get a better understanding of the candidate.
That’s a reference to the sourcing of this story: hacked materials from Columbia. Typically, when the source of a story is a hacked document, it is best practice to identify what goals the hacker may have in passing the document along. The Times itself previously reported the hack was “politically motivated” and as it happened, “a smiling image of President Trump appeared on some computer screens at the university.” The alleged hacker told Bloomberg that their goal was “to acquire information about university applications that would suggest a continuation of affirmative action policies in Columbia’s admissions, following a 2023 Supreme Court decision that effectively barred the practice.” No acknowledgement of either of these things appears in the Mamdani story that emerged from the hacked materials. The New York Times declined to comment on why it didn’t follow best practices.
A normal journalistic outfit might find this kind of thing embarrassing
The materials were provided by a source the Times identifies as “Crémieux” — “an academic who opposes affirmative action and writes often about I.Q. and race.” The name Crémieux rang alarm bells for me, as a reference to Adolphe Crémieux, a French politician who notably excluded Muslims from French citizenship. Would it surprise you to hear that Mamdani is Muslim?
The Substacker “Crémieux” has already been identified by name: Jordan Lasker, a prominent internet eugenicist. As for the Times’ description of him as an academic, that may be a stretch. Lasker is the co-author of two papers so racist that they played a role in getting another co-author fired. In one paper, he is listed as affiliated with the University of Minnesota, though he does not appear on the department page — or any version of it archived since 2016, according to The Chronicle of Higher Education. On another paper, Lasker’s affiliation is Texas Tech — where he at least had an email address. Whether this counts as being “an academic” is left as an exercise for the reader.
Now, a normal journalistic outfit might find this kind of thing embarrassing, especially so when other reporters — such as Liam Scott at the Columbia Journalism Review, Tom Scocca, and Margaret Sullivan, a former public editor for The New York Times itself — sit up and take notice. There’s much more attention on the sourcing of the story than the story itself. But Patrick Healy, the Times’ assistant managing editor for standards and trust, defended the story on X, saying, “On sourcing, we work to give readers context, including in this case the initial source’s online alias, as a way to learn more about the person, who was effectively an intermediary.” Curiously, that context did not include linking the Guardian story that identified Lasker. The New York Times declined to comment on why Lasker was not identified by name, or how it defines “an academic.”
Healy, who’s worked at the Times since 2005, has a fascinating track record with judging newsworthiness. There’s his bizarre fixation on Bill and Hillary Clinton’s marriage (resulting in a column from the now-defunct public editor desk at the Times that found, among other things, that parts of Healy’s story belonged in “the trash can”); his sexist focus on Hillary Clinton’s laugh; and his frankly misleading (and heavily rewritten) coverage of Donald Trump’s “audacious attempt” to “remake his image” on immigration. Perhaps most notably, Healy was, as a reporter, one of the driving forces in the “but her emails” nothingburger in the Times’ 2016 election coverage, a news cycle so pointless and destructive that it had newsrooms everywhere rethinking ethics around hacked and leaked sourcing (but not, apparently, Mamdani’s hacked and leaked college application). More recently, longtime columnist Paul Krugman blamed Healy for his departure from the paper, complaining that “Patrick often—not always—rewrote crucial passages” resulting in Krugman saying he was “putting more work—certainly more emotional energy—into repairing the damage from his editing than I put into writing the original draft.”
The Times is committed to a specific kind of journalistic kayfabe
Under Healy, the Times’ politics desk had some difficulty correctly identifying right-wing sources. For instance, the “Trump voter” in this article’s lead anecdote, Gina Anders, was a board member of a PAC that “seeks to defend Confederate statues & nullify the ACA [Affordable Care Act],” according to Congressman Ted Lieu. In another article about Atlanta-area “surburbanites” who are “sticking with Trump,” two of the four voters interviewed were misleadingly identified; one was a Republican consultant and the other was the chair of “the state’s branch of the Republican National Lawyers Association,” who was also appointed to Republican governor Brian Kemp’s election security task force.
But the problem isn’t limited to Healy or the people he supervises. The Times is committed to a specific kind of journalistic kayfabe, specifically “objective” journalism, a relatively recent phenomenon born out of the wake of newspaper consolidation that began in the 1950s. It is best understood as a marketing practice. Partisan papers that had been combined for economic reasons had to come up with a way to feel neutral, so as to keep subscribers. The result is sometimes referred to as “both sides” journalism — a false balance between the left and the right so as to avoid the appearance of bias. The New York Times declined to comment on how the increasingly weird right-wing ecosystem affects “objective” journalism.
To look “objective,” then, the Times must occasionally run stories that will irritate liberals and leftists. There’s one problem: as the right wing has gotten increasingly detached from reality, the stories that appeal to right-wingers have been journalistic disasters, the kind that seriously discredit the Times on other issues. The Mamdani story is just one example; the paper’s coverage of Claudine Gay is yet another.
Imagine elevating Rufo into competition worth worrying about!
Gay, then the president of Harvard, was accused of plagiarism. (An early university review found that she had cited some sources improperly but wasn’t engaged in “serious wrongdoing,” according to The Harvard Crimson.) The Times published a live blog of the story, as well as at least five front-page stories about Gay. It is unusual for the paper to go so hard on academic misconduct, particularly since an earlier story about Stanford President Marc Tessier-Lavigne — accused of research fraud, and forced to retract or correct five papers after a Stanford-sponsored investigation found “manipulation of research data” — did not receive the same amount of play. “The report concluded there was no evidence that Tessier-Lavigne himself manipulated data in the papers reviewed,” The Stanford Daily reported. However, it occurred repeatedly at labs he ran.
Why did the Gay story get so much more play than the Tessier-Lavigne story? The Gay story was a cause celebre of the right; Tessier-Lavigne, a leader of another top-tier institution who was accused of serious misconduct, and who was also found to have failed on at least four occasions to “decisively and forthrightly correct mistakes in the scientific record,” was not. Christopher Rufo, a right-wing activist who first published the plagiarism allegations, is maybe best known for ginning up a culture war against “critical race theory,” his umbrella term for the anti-racism movement. (Perhaps you might say he is an anti-anti-racist activist.) Tessier-Lavigne is a white man. Gay is a black woman.
Rufo would later take credit for Gay’s ouster, telling Politico that the story was a roadmap for “how we have to work the media.” On Sunday, Semafor reported that The New York Times hurried to publish the Mamdani story because “it did not want to be scooped by the independent journalist Christopher Rufo.”
Imagine elevating Rufo into competition worth worrying about! But that’s where the Times is at. Again and again, when the Times attempts its false balance — trying to make Republicans sound less unhinged than they actually are — it results in bad journalism. It is the same problem social media platforms have encountered in moderation: removing misinformation and deplatforming bad actors means removing and deplatforming more Republicans. Eventually, using the excuse of “fairness,” social media companies gave up.
The false balance problems at The New York Times come from the very top
Similarly, the Times is seeking the approval of people who are never going to love them. The right-wing activists on X and Substack will never view the Times as an ally — only a force to be manipulated, at best, and an enemy at worst. The Times itself is as much a victim of algorithmic bias as everyone it looks down on; trying to be “objective” means skewing further and further right, with disastrous results. An average Reddit mod has a better grasp of how this works than any Times editor.
The result is that “objectivity” is working to actively undermine the Times’ journalistic apparatus. In some respects, it seems like the Times gets panicky about truth. Not a great look for a newspaper, and not the kind of thing that gives one confidence about its reporting on such issues as Gaza and transgender health. Succumbing to one right-wing moral panic could be regarded as a misfortune; repeatedly falling for the same playbook starts to look like something much worse than carelessness.
The Times has a long and well-documented history of being unable to reckon with its flaws. Every journalistic institution will make mistakes, because journalists are people. The trick is not to repeat them. But as long as looking balanced matters more than baseline reality, the Times will continue its shoddy reporting on right-wing issues. Healy is setting the standards, because if someone else set them, they might be too high.
Healy didn’t promote himself into the standards position. Joe Kahn, The New York Times’ executive editor, praised both the story and Healy’s defense of it, according to Marisa Kabas, an actual independent journalist whose scoops the Times has not credited. “Multiple top editors” greenlit the Mamdani story, according to Semafor. The false balance problems at The New York Times come from the very top. It is not the only major paper that’s torching its reputation; Jeff Bezos has undermined the authority of The Washington Post to a genuinely stunning degree. But the trouble at the Times is a considerably more dismal sight to behold. This is not an owner kneecapping an independent newsroom. Instead, the Times is enthusiastically destroying its credibility all by itself.
Correction, July 8th: An earlier version of this story mischaracterized the Stanford-sponsored report on Tessier-Lavigne. The report found no evidence that Tessier-Lavigne had engaged in data manipulation, though he “has not been able to provide an adequate explanation” for why he did not correct the errors.
]]>Once upon a time in America, there was a tyrant. And Congress rejected him totally.
The tyrant, of course, was King George III, the target of the Declaration of Independence. We take it for granted now, but the declaration was an enormous political innovation — in it, the country that became the United States of America laid claim to certain “unalienable” rights, rights that took precedence over any king or crown.
To protect those rights, our founders declared that the People were allowed to “alter” or “abolish” the government — in this case, British rule over the American colonies.
The idea that “the People” have “unalienable rights” became so standard that it slipped into cliche
The point of the famous preamble to the Declaration — “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness” — is that the government should exist to protect our rights, a radical proposition in an era when governments mostly existed on the basis that one guy was descended from another guy. Over time, the idea that “the People” have “unalienable rights” became so standard that it slipped into cliche, the stuff of car commercials. But this was not a throwaway line. These rights are repeated throughout the founding documents of the United States. Life and liberty aren’t just there for decoration — they are essential to the spec. They are the reason why the entire American system has been designed the way it has.
The declaration pronounces these rights to be so important that it’s worth overthrowing a government over them. But one should not undertake revolution against a tyrannical government lightly, the declaration says, going on to provide a massive litany of complaints as justification. In modern times, the full list was considered to be the boring part of this document, lacking the vim and vigor of “we hold these truths to be self-evident” and other such bars from the preamble. But this year, it’s become a… bracing read.
Listed among the reasons to boot the British monarch are:
“Transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences” really hits different now, huh? Donald Trump’s secret police have been kidnapping people, and in some cases, sending them to random countries they’re not even from, including to Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo (CECOT), a notorious prison in El Salvador. The abductees need not have done anything wrong; having tattoos or the word of a corrupt cop is enough. American citizens, including children, can also be seized and ejected, even by mistake — and the long-term Republican goal is to do this on purpose.
From the beginning, this has all been profoundly un-American
From the beginning, this has all been profoundly un-American, and it wasn’t surprising when the Trump administration ran into some legal problems. A district court judge issued an injunction against the Department of Homeland Security, requiring it to add a fairly basic form of due process to its deportation machine. Detainees set to be deported must be told where they are going, so they can have the chance to explain that being sent to that specific country may result in their torture or death. “This small modicum of process is mandated by the Constitution of the United States,” the judge wrote.
“Small” is too fucking right; giving someone the opportunity to pipe up before being shipped off to a place that might kill them is not exactly a radical affirmation of human rights. But this is where we are as a country: the right-wing justices of the Supreme Court stayed the injunction. So the DHS can now go right back to shipping people off to CECOT — or somewhere even worse — without telling them where they are going or hearing out why they should not go.
The pause on the lower court’s injunction happened via what is known as “the shadow docket.” By temporarily blocking or declining to block a lower court’s order, SCOTUS makes a decision without officially making a decision, and can do so without bothering to explain its reasoning.
Even though there is no written opinion for the ruling, there is a dissent from the three liberal justices. “The Government has made clear in word and deed that it feels itself unconstrained by law, free to deport anyone anywhere without notice or an opportunity to be heard,” wrote Justice Sonia Sotomayor. She concluded that the majority is “rewarding lawlessness.” When the lady is right, she’s right.
President Trump has always been explicit about his desire to seize as much power for himself as possible, and he’s now surrounded by people who share his urge for total control. Trump has told his followers they “won’t have to vote anymore” if he is elected. The Trump Organization’s official merch store sells a “Trump 2028” hat; the last time he lost an election, he incited an armed insurrection against Congress while it was certifying the results. After coming back into power, he ordered a dictator-chic military parade to celebrate his birthday. He took over the troops of the California National Guard — bypassing the California governor — to deploy them against Californians protesting his immigration raids. He has formally directed criminal investigations into people who opposed him. Most recently, he has casually threatened to arrest Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee for New York mayor, over his pledge to fight back against ICE; his underlings have done one better and threatened to strip him of citizenship and deport him.
Trump has mostly issued executive order after executive order to enact his agenda, because Congress doesn’t have the votes to pass such unpopular laws. He’s also used executive orders to defang the laws Congress has passed, like the TikTok ban, which has now led directly to Congress passing unpopular laws on the promise that Trump will simply override the provisions he doesn’t like. Congress is meant to be the most powerful part of the federal government, but the Republican Congress under Trump has receded into a group of weak-willed simpletons, content to sell out their constituents for little more than signed merch.
Not content with usurping congressional authority, Trump’s executive orders have barged straight into reinterpreting and rewriting the Constitution itself — for example, by purporting to end birthright citizenship, a cornerstone of the US as we know it.
In theory, there is one last important check on a power-mad president
Now, in theory, there is one last important check on a power-mad president, one whose contempt for the laws of the land knows no bounds. That check is the Supreme Court, a body of jurists who serve life terms, and who can strike down illegal actions at will.
Last week, the court issued a ruling in a lawsuit over the birthright citizenship executive order. As it does so often these days, it made an enormously consequential decision without actually making a decision. While declining to actually consider whether or not Trump’s EO is unconstitutional, SCOTUS ruled that lower courts cannot issue a nationwide injunction against that order. But the de facto result is that citizenship is a privilege, and not secured by birth in the 28 states that haven’t sued to challenge one of Trump’s executive orders.
It is an odd decision, not least because birthright citizenship is guaranteed by the 14th Amendment to the Constitution, the first sentence of which reads: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.”
To be clear, SCOTUS didn’t override the 14th Amendment, it just pretended that it would be some kind of a horrible overreach to tell the executive branch that the 14th Amendment is real.
This is alarming for a lot of reasons, but the 14th Amendment in particular — a Reconstruction Amendment enacted after the Civil War — is the cornerstone of modern-day constitutional law.
Before the Civil War and Reconstruction, the Bill of Rights didn’t apply to state governments: New York could abridge its citizens’ right to free speech, even if the federal government couldn’t. The 14th Amendment guarantees that states cannot deprive Americans of “life, liberty, or property, without due process of law,” words that already appeared verbatim in the 5th Amendment (which had previously only applied to the federal government).
The People have rights against the powerful. That is what America is about
It’s notable that these words keep getting repeated — almost like those “unalienable” rights of “life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness” are really important. The Reconstruction Amendments — the 13th, 14th, and 15th — weave together the threads of the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence. They were a critical update, you might say, one that patched the founders’ system-destroying error of perpetuating slavery while simultaneously declaring all men to be created equal. The 14th acknowledges that states, too, can be tyrants. Whether it is George III, the feds, or the slave-holding antebellum states, the People have rights against the powerful. That is what America is about.
Over the next 150 years, the Supreme Court began to grapple with the admittedly broad categories of life, liberty, and property (and/or pursuit of happiness). The problem is that you can’t just look up “life” and “liberty” in a dictionary and get a bulleted list of what Americans can or cannot do. But by the mid-20th century, the Supreme Court was asserting that Americans have the fundamental right to contraception.
Since condoms aren’t mentioned in the Constitution, the legalese version gets a little complicated. In short, the “penumbra” of rights created by the 1st, 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 9th Amendments, applied to the states via the 14th, implies a constitutional right to privacy.
It turned out that Americans really liked not going to jail for not getting pregnant
This seems like a lot of technical steps to get to “the state of Connecticut can’t arrest Mrs. Griswold for handing out diaphragms to women who want to have sex without getting pregnant.” But it turned out that Americans really liked not going to jail for not getting pregnant, almost as much as states loved trying to force people to give birth. Twelve years later, the court handed down Roe v. Wade — the now-overturned precedent that established the right to abortion — relying on the Griswold v. Connecticut right of privacy.
In the decades since, right-wing jurists (who were, completely coincidentally, Catholics subscribing to strong religious proscriptions against contraception and abortion) pushed back. This whole penumbras thing was far too vibes-based, they argued. Right-wing legal theory can be mostly summarized as a backlash against vibes-based jurisprudence. It’s why you get textualism (what really matters is the words as written down) and originalism (what really matters is what the Founding Fathers thought).
Weirdly, these objections stuck. “We’re all textualists now,” said liberal Justice Elena Kagan in 2015, referring to how common it had become to use Justice Antonin Scalia’s textualist methods in assessing laws. Meanwhile, Justice Clarence Thomas keeps a mocking sign in his office that reads, “Please don’t emanate in the penumbras.”
Sometimes it takes a non-legal brain to see through the absolute bullshit that has taken root in the intellectual heart of American courts — bullshit so deep that judges are now turning to AI to tell them what words really mean. The Founding Fathers had some highly specific issues with George III, to be sure, but the very core tenets of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness (and/or property) are pretty vibes-based stuff. These are vibes turned up to 11 in the Declaration of Independence in 1776, enshrined in the Bill of Rights in 1791, and repeated and reiterated in the Reconstruction Amendments in the late 1860s.
The Republican legal mind nickels and dimes the People on their rights, and then goes, “Is this what the founders wanted?” Conveniently, and completely coincidentally, this thinking often works against women, racial minorities, immigrants, and other undesirables. Meanwhile, when the birthright citizenship EO contradicts the plain text of the Constitution, the textualists are nowhere to be found. Kinda gives the whole game away, doesn’t it?
The true objective became clear: to allow the most powerful people in the country to do whatever they wanted
As a result of Donald Trump’s first term in office, the right wing of the Supreme Court gained a supermajority, one it will have for the foreseeable future. The moment this happened, the fig leaf of textualism and respect for the law fell away, and the true objective became clear: to allow the most powerful people in the country to do whatever they wanted.
When the Founding Fathers replaced their king with a new system of government, they were keen on preventing the fledgling nation from reverting back to monarchy. They did this by spreading power around as much as possible. Their first attempt mostly just distributed power among the states; this turned out not to work so well. The second attempt — the one that we presently live under — consolidated more power at the federal level, but diced it up into a tripartite system of government: Congress, the courts, and the president. The idea was that these three branches would all compete for power, keeping any one of them from becoming too powerful.
The court claimed to reshuffle the balance of power last year by overturning the long-standing doctrine of Chevron deference in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, apparently believing that federal agencies under the executive branch — like the guys who make sure your water is clean or the guys who make it so your gym has to let you cancel your membership — had become too powerful. Knocking down Chevron deference essentially meant it was now open season on these regulatory agencies, because now it’s easier than ever to challenge their rule-making. More opportunities to pipe up and complain, you might say. Meanwhile, if the federal government is to regulate air, water, and click-to-cancel, it would be better if the legislative branch wrote actual laws.
But how do you square reducing the power of the executive branch with how Trump’s secret police are assaulting and detaining Democratic lawmakers? Rep. LaMonica McIver was indicted for “forcibly impeding and interfering with federal officers” as they arrested Newark Mayor Ras Baraka for attempting to enter a Newark detention center. Sen. Alex Padilla was wrestled to the ground and handcuffed for attempting to ask a question of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem during a press conference. New York City comptroller Brad Lander was arrested at immigration court for accompanying a migrant. The Supreme Court promised us a kneecapped administrative state. When do we get to kneecap ICE?
Forget lawyer-brain for a minute. There’s no need to overthink this supposed tension. The Republican majority of the Supreme Court of the United States has a perfectly coherent worldview: the strong get to trample the weak.
The Republican majority of the Supreme Court of the United States has a perfectly coherent worldview: the strong get to trample the weak
Fossil fuel companies, the crypto industry, and nationwide internet service providers deserve process; the asylum-seeker imprisoned at CECOT does not. A neighborhood wrecked by a hurricane, the gambling addict at rock bottom, the principle of net neutrality itself — these victims of the war on the administrative state simply do not matter. The text doesn’t matter. Constitutional balance doesn’t matter. Only power matters. (In West Virginia v. EPA, the 2021 case that led to Loper Bright, Kagan ruefully called back to her previous “we’re all textualists” remark, writing in her dissent, “It seems I was wrong. The current Court is textualist only when being so suits it.”)
The right-wing Supreme Court’s hypocrisy is not the only thing to blame for our present state of affairs. The Founding Fathers’ tripartite system of government was mostly working out until all three branches succumbed to some kind of contagious monarchism.
But it’s clear the founders’ anti-king protocol is now failing. The executive is an egomaniac who simply does not believe in life, liberty, or due process. Congress, in the firm grip of naked ideologues and flaccid cowards, has flopped as a constitutional counterbalance, incapable of punishing Donald Trump for an actual armed insurrection on January 6th, 2021. The Supreme Court, on the other hand, hasn’t failed — it has actively accelerated the conflagration, even ruling that Trump has absolute immunity for acts on January 6th. This is what makes the court’s Republican supermajority so dangerous, so profoundly immoral. Congress might be too shortsighted, deadlocked, and weak in character to pump the brakes. But SCOTUS, an institution designed to step back and think about the big picture, knows exactly what it’s doing, and is chillingly enthusiastic.
The current Republican Supreme Court is unlike anything the founders could have ever possibly envisioned — a partisan instrument of a destructive political force, neither a check nor a balance on an executive that is threatening to strip citizenship from opposition politicians and is commandeering the state National Guard against a state’s people over the objections of their governor. It is a root-access attack on the system itself, a virus with the ability to overwrite the founding documents of the nation.
“Conservative” has never been more of a misnomer
You can call it a lot of things: right-wing radicalism, dictator envy, anti-democratic theocracy. But one thing’s clear. “Conservative” has never been more of a misnomer. The Republicans are conserving nothing: not due process, not precedent, and certainly not the truth.
In 2006, when he was nominated to the Supreme Court, Samuel Alito told the Senate that Roe v. Wade, the case that once enshrined the right to abortion, had been decided and was “an important precedent.” Sixteen years later, he penned the majority opinion overturning Roe. Justice Alito may have been cagey in the lead-up to his confirmation, but his fellow justices were less so — Neil Gorsuch called Roe v. Wade “the law of the land” in his 2017 Senate confirmation hearings; Brett Kavanaugh supposedly told Sen. Susan Collins in a private meeting in 2018 that Roe was “settled law.” Both justices joined the opinion overturning Roe, which calls that decision “egregiously wrong from the start.”
Fair play and forthrightness are, apparently, not things we expect while appointing a judge to sit atop of the entire American legal system for the rest of their life. But setting that aside, it’s baffling that the right-wing legal establishment is seen as patient and strategic while Trump is a force of nature that might not pass the Turing test.
As Donald Trump’s imperial presidency rolls forward across the wreckage of Congress on tank treads greased by the Supreme Court, there’s scant evidence of a legal movement for limited government or states’ rights. Trump is not the useful tool of an aggressive right-wing movement. Why look for complex explanations when there is a very simple one at hand? He is the king they serve enthusiastically, a leader whose lies and lawlessness they both enable and mirror.
Two-thirds of the country oppose the fall of Roe; about as many reject the total presidential immunity given by Trump v. US. (You see, the Supreme Court is perfectly capable of rocking the boat: when it lets Trump do what he wants to do, it is because this is the America that the Republican justices believe in.)
What’s a red-blooded American to do when their government becomes destructive to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? The Declaration of Independence has some notes about “the Right of the People to alter or to abolish” its existing government “and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.”
But that was another time, right? Surely nobody wants to take the Founding Fathers’ original words literally. Their original meaning and original intent can’t just be superimposed on American life today, not when American values are very different from the values of 1776. In Trump’s America, the national ethos is simply a boot on your neck, forever.
Happy Independence Day!
]]>On Monday, the long-running indie rock band Deerhoof made an announcement: it was pulling its music from Spotify.
The impetus was Spotify founder Daniel Ek’s newest investment in Helsing, the German defense group that makes AI and drones. Helsing raised 600 million euros in its most recent funding round, which was led by Ek’s venture capital firm Prima Materia. “Helsing is benefiting from a surge of investment in defence groups, as a highly charged geopolitical environment spurs nations all over the world to increase military spending and the war in Ukraine triggers a rethink of battlefield technology,” the Financial Times wrote of the investment. Ek characterized the investment as “doubling down”; he’d previously made Prima Materia’s first investment in Helsing.
That didn’t sit right with the members of Deerhoof, who didn’t like Spotify much to begin with. The streaming platform has been criticized by artists for not paying enough, as well as for its practices around “ghost artists” and Discovery Mode. I called up Greg Saunier, Deerhoof’s drummer, to talk about how streaming supports war efforts, how much money the band made from Spotify, and where they drew the moral line.
This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.
Let’s start with how you made the decision. Your statement reads that you saw that Daniel Ek was using his Spotify money to invest in AI, and you objected to war profiteering. I think that refers to Ek’s investment in Helsing. Can you sort of give me a picture of how that decision went after you heard the news?
We were in a rented minivan, on tour in the Northeast, and so I think we were just making chitchat in the car. And I was just like, “Hey, did you guys see that latest headline?” I think it took the four members of Deerhoof maybe all of two minutes to decide.
Ed Rodriguez, our guitar player, did a quick look at our Spotify numbers. How much do each of us actually make a year from being on Spotify? As far as direct income, it was something small, like maybe $1,000 a year or something for each of us.
“The band’s decision was very easy and quick.”
So this is our cue. We’ve been basically waiting for at least five years for a moment. Everybody already hates Spotify — everyone you talk to, whether they’re a musician or whether they’re a listener. And so we were hoping that somebody would organize a movement. We’d be the first to sign up. But that wasn’t particularly happening. And so just for our own ability to sleep at night, you know — regardless of whether it creates any movement, regardless of whether Spotify themselves care — we just for our own mental health did not want our music, and particularly our music success, to be funding AI battle tech.
All of us have seen the results of what AI battle tech does and, you know, AI decision making, AI targeting, facial recognition, AI systems that are developed to go through lists of addresses where suspiciously named people happen to be living, and then will automatically obliterate an apartment building. [What’s happening in] Gaza just gives everybody a taste of the future that Daniel Ek is trying to make possible for other regions of the globe as well.
So yeah, the band’s decision was very easy and quick.
There seem to be two strands here. One is objections to Spotify, and the other is objections to AI, and so I’m going to take them separately. How did you first join Spotify? You were around well before the transition to digital music, and I’m sure you remember the Napster era, so I’m curious about how this has affected your careers.
I actually don’t remember joining it. We were probably on [record label] Polyvinyl at the time, and it was simply one of several ways to stream music.
“Daniel Ek is the type of oligarch — and there are several who are making headlines nowadays — who seems to almost have some psychological compulsion to put his foot in his mouth.”
Napster, I think, is related to the history of Spotify. Because, you know, Spotify started in Sweden. And Sweden was also famous at that time for being the main hub for The Pirate Bay. But even downloading music for free, as with Napster, is — downloads are not streams. It’s a different way of consuming music. At the time that Napster was happening, people had music collections. That’s what I do. I buy MP3s, often from Bandcamp or classical music from iTunes. None of the members of Deerhoof have ever got a Spotify account because none of us like streaming — it never caught on for us.
A narrative we can probably all agree is the case in terms of Spotify is that it seemed slightly suspicious when it started. It has utterly snowballed in terms of the amount of hate, the amount of eyerolls, and it’s not only that there’s been a gradual increase in public awareness of how unfair their payment system is. It’s also that Daniel Ek is the type of oligarch — and there are several who are making headlines nowadays — who seems to almost have some psychological compulsion to put his foot in his mouth and make headlines by saying unbelievably stupid things that inspire the ire of musicians and music fans. He’s just that type of very obnoxious. Not all billionaires are like that. Some keep their greed hidden behind some kind of secrecy or some kind of sense of decorum. Then you get the Elon Musks and the Daniel Eks and the Donald Trumps, who are more like intentionally, overtly, publicly as cartoonishly evil as possible.
We felt in our gut that having our success be funding global annihilation was maybe one step too far. That’s too much. We’re not doing that. We’re not on the side of a billionaire who has that as their objective. It’s sort of like they forced us to take a side. We probably would have bumbled along for a while longer, just sort of waiting in the background to see if somebody else made a move. But that was just too much. I cannot stomach that. There’s no way in the world I’m going to be saying, “Hey, everybody, listen to our music!” while at the same time knowing what that would mean.
Do you have advice for bands who want to remove their work from Spotify? You’d mentioned wanting to be part of a movement. If you happen to spur that movement, what should people do?
I mean, I just did an Instagram post. I thought a few hundred of our followers would probably see it. I didn’t anticipate the possibility that this could actually be a part of a story that could build into a movement.
“It was easy for us because we’re making most of our income from touring.”
I suddenly feel a lot of responsibility to people. It’s like any form of refusal, any form of protest, any form of civil disobedience, any form of strike, boycott. What we’re doing is basically going on strike — it’s not really, because we don’t have any intention of going back, but it’s like a strike. We were the musicians, the laborers Spotify uses as their bait for their ad company. In any of these popular situations, the more people do it, the more effective it is.
I already have had many of my music friends and colleagues tell me, ”Well, I can’t really afford to leave Spotify.” I’m like, I don’t judge you at all. I understand the situation. It was easy for us because we’re making most of our income from touring. But that’s a privileged position. I don’t look down at somebody who doesn’t feel that their own ability to to eat and pay rent will be so adversely affected by leaving Spotify that they just can’t do it.
At the same time, if a lot of people do it, then what happens is, Spotify goes the way of MySpace. You know, it’s just not cool anymore. It’s just not a trendy thing that everybody is compelled to use. That’s the ultimate goal, to make it so stupid and so uncool and such a laughingstock that nobody even wants to use it.
I want to talk a little bit about AI now. You made the announcement over Instagram, and Meta is also developing AI, and last year, okayed its use by the US military. So what’s the hard line for you?
I feel exactly the same about Meta or Instagram as I do about Spotify in that we hope for a mass defection. We hope for a mass strike, or a mass boycott, or just a mass refusal to use it anymore, and we will be the first to go.
“We would also very much enjoy disempowering Mark Zuckerberg.”
But of course, there’s a gray area. We’re not literally directly making dollars from Instagram, but Instagram assists us in our ability to make income from other sources, such as ticket and record sales. I take some inspiration from, you know, worldwide boycott movements. I saw Cesar Chavez speak once in the late ’80s. I remember people were asking, “Why are you so focused on grapes? Why would you boycott an organic grape while there’s these pesticide-covered apples that you’re not even talking about?” And [Chavez] is like, “It’s just a strategy. It’s about targeted action.” You see very much the same thing happening with BDS [Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions], particularly in the past couple years. There are many institutions and companies and individuals who have ties either to [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu or Israel’s government or the IDF [Israel Defense Force], but we’re going to target these specific ones so that public consciousness can be focused. In a media environment that is perpetually oversaturated, it sometimes is strategic to focus one’s efforts on a specific entity at a time, or not to overdo it.
We would also very much enjoy disempowering Mark Zuckerberg. His particular fetishes and hobbies and fantasies of what he would like to do with his multibillion dollars is slightly different, perhaps, than Daniel Ek’s, but it’s obviously been clear, at least since the Cambridge Analytica scandal and Trump’s first election, that that he both desires and succeeds at being involved in politics. Not to even mention his flirtation with possibly running for president. It’s clear that he understands and gets a thrill from the fact that he’s actually able to control world events somewhat by what he chooses to censor or shadow ban or what he chooses to teach his algorithms to promote to the top of any given person’s feed.
Yes, Deerhoof would like Instagram to also become uncool. I imagine that Instagram will go the way of any other platforms that don’t really offer anything or create anything. What they create is loneliness, and they create what they require. They create longing, or they create distraction. They take you away from your own thoughts and your own feelings and obliterate your idle time in which you might have your own thoughts or feelings or create something, like writing a song. I don’t believe that Instagram is compatible with survival in the long run.
“If it’s a human right to have free recorded music, then it should be nationalized.”
There’s a generation — probably a couple generations now — who’ve grown up knowing nothing but free music, and they may feel that it’s their human right. I actually can sympathize with somebody saying, “I think I should have free music,” in which case I would say, “Great, then obviously, if it’s a human right to have free recorded music, then it should be nationalized. It should not be done for profit.” It’s the same as we say about healthcare. It’s the same as we say about housing. It’s the same as we say about higher education.
It’s wild to be a touring band and be friends with French musicians. They’re like, “Oh, my salary is paid by taxes. My salary is paid by the government. I need to play 31 shows a year, and then I get paid.” In other words, the French population pays me to be a musician. [Ed. note: In France, musicians can collect a special class of unemployment income called intermittents du spectacle.] It’s like, whoa, try imagining that happening here, how much that would change everything.
Right now, the people who create recorded music do it for free, but any money that changes hands goes into the pockets of Daniel Ek. It goes into the pockets of somebody who uses it to automate and industrialize mass murder. That is not a scenario that most people are likely to give a thumbs up to if it’s presented to them in that way. That’s not Spotify’s sales pitch but it should be because that’s the reality, that’s what you’re signing up for.
You just had a new album come out, Noble and Godlike in Ruin. Where can people find it?
You can find it at the record store, you can find it on Bandcamp, you can find it on our website, you can find it on our label’s website, and then there’s any number of other tech platforms that allow for search fields in which you can type that. Or video platforms that will make it very easy for you to hear.
Spotify seems like the only choice as the result of backroom deals between major labels. That made Spotify compulsory for everyone, regardless if you’re Beyoncé. This doesn’t mean that it’s the only place to hear recorded music. Just go anywhere — literally anywhere — else.
]]>Sure, everyone hates record labels — but the AI industry has figured out how to make them look like heroes. So that’s at least one very impressive accomplishment for AI.
AI is cutting a swath across a number of creative industries — with AI-generated book covers, the Chicago Sun-Times publishing an AI-generated list of books that don’t exist, and AI-generated stories at CNET under real authors’ bylines. The music industry is no exception. But while many of these fields are mired in questions about whether AI models are illegally trained on pirated data, the music industry is coming at the issue from a position of unusual strength: the benefits of years of case law backing copyright protections, a regimented licensing system, and a handful of powerful companies that control the industry. Record labels have chosen to fight several AI companies on copyright law, and they have a strong hand to play.
Historically, whatever the tech industry inflicts on the music industry will eventually happen to every other creative industry, too. If that’s true here, then all the AI companies that ganked copyrighted material are in a lot of trouble.
There are some positive things AI music startups can accomplish — like reducing barriers for musicians to record themselves. Take the artist D4vd, who recorded his breakout hit “Romantic Homicide” in his sister’s closet using BandLab, an app for making music without a studio that includes some AI features. (D4vd began creating music to soundtrack his Fortnite YouTube montages without getting a copyright strike for using existing work.) The point of BandLab is giving more musicians around the world the opportunity to record music, send it into the world, and maybe get paid for their work, says Meng Ru Kuok, the CEO of the app’s parent company. AI tools can supercharge that, he says.
That use, however, isn’t exactly what big-time AI companies like Suno and Udio have in mind. Suno declined to comment for this story. Udio did not respond to a request for comment.
Suno and Udio are designed to let music consumers generate new songs with a few words. Users type in, say, “Prompt: bossa nova song using a wide range of percussion and a horn section about a cat, active, energetic, uptempo, chaotic” and get a song, wholesale, without even writing their own lyrics. The idea that most listeners will do this regularly seems unlikely — making music is more work than just listening to it, even with text prompts — as does the idea that AI will replace people’s favorite human artists. (Also, the music is pretty bad.)
“AI flooded the market with it.”
A lot of listening is passive consumption, like a person putting on a playlist while doing the dishes or studying, or a business piping background tunes to customers. That background music is up for grabs — not by consumers, but by spammers using these tools. They’re already generating consumer-facing slop and putting it on Spotify, effectively crowding out real artists.
That seems to be the major use case for these apps. Generating a two-minute song on Udio costs a minimum of eight credits; free users get around 400 credits monthly; for $10 a month, you’ll get 1200, the equivalent of, at most, 150 songs. Spotify Premium individual costs $12 a month and gets you just about everything ever recorded, plus audiobooks. Also, it takes many, many fewer clicks to listen to Spotify than it does to generate your own songs — so if you’re looking for something to listen to while you cook, Spotify is just easier.
But the math there changes if you’re looking for background music for your YouTube videos — or anything else that’s meant to be listened to publicly. That means AI music threatens people who support themselves by making incidental music for advertisements, or recording “perfect fit content” for Spotify, or other, less-glamorous work. Taylor Swift’s career isn’t endangered by AI music — but the real people who make the background music for Chill Beats to Study To, or the hold music you hear on the phone, are.
“I wouldn’t want to be [new-age musician] Steven Halpern and have my future career based on meditation music,” says David Hughes, who served as CTO for the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) for 15 years. He now works as a tech consultant for the music industry at Hughes Strategic. “AI flooded the market with it. There’s no business making it anymore.”
As in other creative industries, AI music tools are poised to hollow out the workaday middle of the market. Even new engineering tools have their downsides. Jimmy Iovine, who eventually founded Interscope Records and Beats Electronics, started his career as an audio engineer before making his name by producing Patti Smith’s Easter. This is kind of like starting in the mail room and becoming the CEO; if more of the engineering work is done by AI, that removes career paths. The next Jimmy Iovine might not get his start, Hughes says. “How does anyone apprentice?”
About a year ago, the major labels brought suit against Suno and Udio. The fight is about training data; the labels say the companies stole copyrighted work and violated copyright law by using it to build their models. Suno has effectively admitted it trained its AI song generator on copyrighted work in documents filed in court; so has Udio. They’re saying it was fair use, a legal framework under which copyrighted work can be used to create new work.
Virtually every creative industry is in some kind of similar fight with AI companies. A group of authors is suing Meta, Microsoft, and Bloomberg for allegedly training on their books. The New York Times is suing Microsoft and OpenAI. Visual artists have sued Stable Diffusion and Midjourney; Getty Images is also suing Stable Diffusion; Disney and Universal are suing Midjourney. Even Reddit is suing Anthropic. Training data is at issue in all the suits.
“Thou shalt not steal.”
So far, the legal takes on AI have been contradictory, and at times, baffling. There doesn’t seem to be a consistent through line, so it’s hard to know where the law will ultimately end up. Still, music has its own legal history that comes to bear — from unauthorized sampling. That may mean it’s entitled to stronger protections.
In Bridgeport Music v. Dimension Films, a case about NWA’s sample of Funkadelic’s “Get Off Your Ass and Jam,” the US Court of Appeals ruled that the uncompensated sampling was in violation of copyright law. In the decision, the court found that only the copyright owner could duplicate the work — so all sampling requires a license. Some other courts have rejected that ruling, but it remains influential. There’s also Grand Upright Music v. Warner Bros. Records, in which the US Southern District of New York ruled that Biz Markie’s sample of Gilbert O’Sullivan’s “Alone Again (Naturally)” was copyright infringement. The written opinion in the case begins, “Thou shalt not steal.”
“Some of the sampling cases have suggested that sound recordings might be entitled to stronger protections than other copyrighted works,” says James Grimmelmann, a professor at Cornell Law School. Those protections may extend beyond sampling to generative AI, especially if the AI outputs too closely resemble copyrighted work. “From that perspective, music becomes kind of untouchable. You just can’t do this kind of work on it.”
Music is also complicated — since performances are bound up in rights of publicity. In the case of the fake Drake track, the soundalike may violate Drake’s right to publicity. Artists such as Tom Waits and Bette Midler have won suits against more mundane human soundalikes. Proving that someone meant to violate Drake’s right to publicity might be even more straightforward if the lawsuit contains the prompt.
This may be an easier case for music companies to make
As in other AI fair use cases, one of the key questions is whether a derivative work, such as “BBL Drizzy,” is intended to replace or disrupt a market for an original one. In 2023, the Supreme Court ruled that Lynn Goldsmith’s copyright had been infringed on by Andy Warhol when he screenprinted one of her photos of Prince. One of the key factors was that Vanity Fair had licensed Warhol’s work instead of Goldsmith’s — and she received no credit or payment.
In May, Register of Copyrights Shira Perlmutter released a pre-publication report that found that AI training in general was not necessarily fair use. In the report, one of the factors considered was whether an AI product supplanted the use of the original. “The use of pirated collections of copyrighted works to build a training library, or the distribution of such a library to the public, would harm the market for access to those works,” the report said. “And where training enables a model to output verbatim or substantially similar copies of the works trained on, and those copies are readily accessible by end users, they can substitute for sales of those works.”
This may be an easier case for music companies to make than, let’s say, ad writers. (What copywriter wants to admit they’re so uncreative they can be replaced by a machine, first of all?) Not only are there fewer of them, which allows them to easily negotiate as a bloc, it’s simple enough to point to the output of AI music singing Jason Derulo’s name, or mimicking “Great Balls of Fire.” That’s pretty clear-cut.
Another crucial factor — one that matters particularly to the music industry — was lost licensing opportunities. If copyrighted works are being licensed as AI training data, doing a free-for-all snatch and grab robs rights holders of their ability to participate in that market, the report notes. “The copying of expressive works from pirate sources in order to generate unrestricted content that competes in the marketplace, when licensing is reasonably available, is unlikely to qualify as fair use,” the report says.
The RIAA alleges illegal copying on the front end and infringing outputs on the back end
Recently, Anthropic got a ruling in a copyright case that differs from this analysis. According to Judge William Alsup of the Northern District of California, using books for training data is fair play — with two big caveats. First, any inputs must be legally acquired, and second, the outputs must be non-infringing. Since Anthropic pirated millions of books, that still leaves the door open for massive damages, even if using the books to train isn’t wrong.
When it comes to the Suno and Udio suits, the RIAA alleges illegal copying on the front end and infringing outputs on the back end, Grimmelman says. Suno and Udio can introduce evidence to rebut those allegations, but the ruling isn’t ideal to knock down the RIAA’s suit. It’s also not clear Suno can rebut those allegations. “Suno’s training data includes essentially all music files of reasonable quality that are accessible on the open Internet, abiding by paywalls, password protections, and the like,” its lawyers wrote in the filing arguing Suno’s training data was fair use. While Udio admits it may have used some copyrighted recordings, its response to the suit doesn’t mention how they were acquired; if Udio bought those songs, under the Anthropic case’s reasoning, it might be off the hook.
But that’s not the only pertinent ruling. The very next day, in a case where authors alleged Meta had infringed on their copyright by training on their books, Judge Vince Chhabria directly addressed Alsup’s ruling, saying it was based on an “inept analogy” and brushed aside “concerns about the harm it can inflict on the market for the works it gets trained on.” While Chhabria found in favor of Meta, he noted that it was because of bad lawyering on the part of the authors’ team.
Still, the finding is better for music companies on the input side, because it doesn’t draw a distinction around piracy, Grimmelman says. It is much, much worse for Suno and Udio on the output side. “Chhabria holds that ‘market dilution’ — creating lots of works that compete with the plaintiffs’ works — is a plausible theory of market harm,” he says in an email after the ruling. That’s also in line with the copyright office’s memo.
“We live in a world where everything is licensed.”
Suno and Udio have some other trouble; some generative AI companies have been licensing artists’ works. By offering nothing for works that other companies have licensed, they are messing up the market. “The fact that there are existing licensing deals for music training is relevant, if that market is better-developed than the market for licensing books,” Grimmelman says. Chhabria’s opinion points out that it’s quite difficult to license books for training, because the rights are so fragmented. “Either finding that there is a market that copyright owners should be able to exploit, or finding that there isn’t one, is circular, in that the court’s holding tends to reinforce its findings about the market.”
That effectively stacks the deck against Suno and Udio, and any other music companies that didn’t license their AI training data. Music licenses for AI training cost between $1 and $4 per track. High-quality datasets can cost from $1 to $5 per minute for non-exclusive licenses, and from $5 to $20 per minute for exclusive licenses. Transcription and emotion labeling, among other factors, garner higher prices.
And unlike in other industries, music already has an IP copyright and collection system, notes Kuok, of the BandLab recording app. The app has its own AI tool called SongStarter, which lets people who are making music begin with an AI-generated track. Kuok favors licensing music for AI training, and making sure musicians get paid.
“We live in a world where everything is licensed,” Kuok says. “The solution is an evolution of what existed before.” How to collect, who collects, and how much gets collected strikes Kuok as being open questions, but licensing itself is not. “We work in an all-rights-reserved world where we believe copyright is an important institution.”
“Everyone knew it was required.”
To address that, BandLab has options for its licensing program. Artists can say they are open to AI licensing, which means they’ll be contacted if a company wants to license their work. If they agree, their work is then bundled with an assortment of other artists’ approved works for the licensing deal, which BandLab negotiates on their behalf. Kuok says Bandlab is discussing training deals now, though he declined to give specifics about the financial components of those deals, or who he was in talks with,
Kuok did say there were some other things he considers in negotiations. “It’s important what the use is for,” he says. “That has to be specified. These are fixed-term contracts, fairly large deals, worth six figures over a multiyear period.” He recommends maintaining as much control as possible over copyrighted work to avoid diluting the value of existing IP.
That may be why Suno and Udio are reportedly in talks with the majors to license music for training their models. Other AI companies do already. Ed Newton-Rex, formerly of Stability AI, told me all the music he’d worked with at Stability was licensed; he even quit his position as a vice president at Stability after the company decided training on copyrighted data was fair use. He’d been working on the systems since 2010, and licensing had been the norm until fairly recently, he told me.
“Everyone knew it was the law,” he says. “Everyone knew it was required.”
But after ChatGPT came out, some music AI companies thought they might also just grab whatever existed and let the courts sort it out. “I don’t think it’s fair use,” he says. “Given that gen AI generally competes with what it’s trained on, it’s a bad thing to take creators’ works and outcompete them.” Newton-Rex has also demonstrated ways to get Suno in particular to output music that’s strikingly similar to copyrighted work. That, too, is a problem.
“I don’t think there’s an outcome where this winds up being all fair use,” says Grimmelman.
Correction, July 1st: This story originally identified the CEO of BandLab as Kuok Meng Ru. His name is Meng Ru Kuok.
]]>Donald Trump and Elon Musk, two of the most media-addled personalities of our time, are publicly torching their relationship by posting on the public social media networks they each respectively own. I have seen theories that this is kayfabe, and I don’t buy it. Trump and Musk have publicly shit-talked people, including each other, before turning around and working with them. But this is real; threats are being made. I’m just not sure how serious it is.
“Elon and I had a great relationship. I don’t know if we will anymore.”
Let’s back up. Starting last week, Musk began making escalating angry remarks about the Big Beautiful Bill that eliminated the EV tax credits. Trump, unusually tactful, did not respond. That may have been because Musk has not yet donated $100 million he promised to a Trump-owned PAC. This morning, Trump said he was “very disappointed with Elon,” who “knew this bill better than anyone.”
“Elon and I had a great relationship. I don’t know if we will anymore,” Trump added.
Trump had hardly finished speaking when Musk went on X, his social media network, to say “False, this bill was never shown to me even once and was passed in the dead of night so fast that almost no one in Congress could even read it!” He went on to say that without him, “Trump would have lost the election.”
Musk also unfollowed Stephen Miller on X, as well as the pundit Charlie Kirk. He retweeted old clips of himself saying that the federal deficit needed to come down, and put up a poll: “Is it time to create a new political party in America that actually represents the 80% in the middle?” The poll is, as of this writing, pinned to Musk’s profile. “Yes” is in the lead with 83 percent of the votes.
This is a reality-TV squabble playing out on social media
Now, both of these men are excellent at commanding attention, and this is a reality-TV squabble playing out on social media. It is also deeply petty. But a government contractor, one whose business empire is extremely dependent on federal contracts, posting about the deficit is serving up a nice volley. Trump spiked it.
“The easiest way to save money in our Budget, Billions and Billions of Dollars, is to terminate Elon’s Governmental Subsidies and Contracts,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “I was always surprised Biden didn’t do it.” Trump also said he’d asked Musk to leave government, and Musk “just went CRAZY!”
I would question the use of “went” in that sentence but sure. That’s a pretty actionable threat. (Also jawboning, though at this point who’s keeping track?) It would probably fuck up what’s left of NASA in a pretty significant way, but whatever.
Musk responded, “Go ahead, make my day.” Then, he posted, “Time to drop the really big bomb: @realDonaldTrump is in the Epstein files. That is the real reason they have not been made public.” Musk has also dined with Epstein, and has been subpoenaed for documents in an Epstein-related lawsuit.
Then, just after the market closed, Musk posted, “In light of the President’s statement about cancellation of my government contracts, @SpaceX will begin decommissioning its Dragon spacecraft immediately.” The SpaceX Dragon is used to fly cargo and crew to the International Space Station.
Who’s winning? Well, Tesla stock declined 14 percent today, closing at $284.70. Trump can hurt Musk imminently, and not just with the spending bill. Musk, The Washington Post reported, began his career in the US by working here illegally. That could potentially complicate his naturalization and create grounds for the Trump government to strip him of his citizenship, and possibly even deport him back to South Africa. Would that be legal? It seems pretty clear that ICE doesn’t care.
I wonder what kind of dirt they have on each other
Musk, on the other hand, hasn’t sent that $100 million check, and may choose not to after this contretemps. He also has enough money to fund primary challenges all over the country, as well as engage in aggressive lobbying against the bill — or any future pet Trump project. If SpaceX contracts are canceled, that may strand some military satellites, too.
As if that isn’t enough, the two of them have been thick as thieves for at least a year now. The current beef involves a lot of public information. (Trump was known to be pals with Epstein; Musk’s allegation that it’s why the files weren’t released is new.) I wonder what kind of dirt they have on each other from spending all that time together, and I wonder how much destruction that information could wreak.
Meanwhile, Democrats on the House Oversight Committee are attempting to subpoena Musk. Nancy Mace (R-SC) suspended the hearing to give Republicans time to arrive and vote against the subpoena. Should Trump demand it, it’s easy to imagine another vote happening — one that hauls Musk in front of Congress.
Also, an alleged member of Musk’s coterie of baby mamas has chosen to weigh in on Twitter. Ashley St. Clair, who is currently engaged in a paternity suit with Musk, wrote on X, “hey @realDonaldTrump lmk if u need any breakup advice.”
May is over, but it seems the meltdowns are just beginning. Right now, we’re watching two men with leverage over each other fight with vague threats and public information. But that fight just keeps escalating, and the stakes could not be higher.
Update, June 5th: Adds Musk post about decommissioning the Dragon spacecraft.
]]>I have been watching, with some grim amusement, Elon Musk discovering the limits of being just another political donor. While he was at DOGE, he literally could control the Treasury and DOD — he effectively had the IT reins of the entire country, and could simply gut things he hated at will. There was a price for that: it destroyed what was left of his reputation. But it was real, true power — being able to stop payments at will makes you more powerful than the president.
So much for that. These days, Musk is reduced to begging his followers on X to call their senators and congressmen [sic, obviously] to vote down the Big Beautiful Bill. His nominal reason is that Donald Trump’s budget plan will increase the deficit, but reports indicate that Musk is annoyed an EV credit is getting cut. That makes it harder to sell Teslas in an environment where it’s already hard to sell Teslas. Also, Musk may be annoyed that he didn’t get to stay past his statutory limit as an unpaid advisor and that the FAA isn’t using Starlink, according to Axios.
Even less powerful enemies can lead to political problems, which is why Musk doesn’t get his pet boy in NASA
The cracks have been showing in the MAGA-tech alliance for some time now. When Scott Bessent got Musk’s IRS pick ejected in April, that was notable. (Bessent’s deputy now runs the IRS.) Musk wasn’t politically savvy enough to get Bessent on his side before installing his pick; an end-run like that is insulting and Musk had been making enemies. Take, for instance, Marco Rubio, who was furious when Musk destroyed USAID — that was Rubio’s department and getting rid of it cut his power. Sean Duffy, the reality TV star who is for some reason running the Department of Transportation, had to intervene to stop DOGE from firing air traffic controllers while the lack of air traffic controllers remains a hot-button issue.
These men should not have been especially difficult to finesse, but then Musk is known for his bull-in-a-china-shop approach. It is rare that a person in a position of power — a cabinet seat, say — willingly gives up even an inch of leverage. Making enemies of Bessent, Rubio, and Duffy was a strategic error.
Even less powerful enemies can lead to political problems, which is why Musk doesn’t get his pet boy in NASA now. Jared Isaacman was due to receive his final confirmation vote in the Senate when Trump abruptly withdrew his nomination for head of the aerospace agency. That was reportedly because Musk had beef with Sergio Gor, the head of the White House Presidential Personnel Office — basically the lead recruiter for government jobs. The moment Musk was no longer in the actual White House, Gor dropped the blade.
Still, Trump isn’t publicly chastising Musk
Silicon Valley is still entwined with the government — Musk’s cronies, including the guy who calls himself Big Balls, now have permanent jobs. Associates of Peter Thiel, Palmer Luckey, and David Sacks all have jobs in the administration; the vice president owes his entire political career to his sugar daddy Thiel. But when David Sacks gets on X to argue with Marjorie Taylor Greene about the AI provision in the budget bill, that suggests a shocking lack of leverage. Sacks was a major Republican fundraiser and is a literal advisor to the president; shouldn’t he be able to pick up a phone and get what he wants?
Instead, his podcast All-In is getting the exclusive bitch session from Isaacman, the NASA administrator who wasn’t. Great for content, I guess, but not real power.
I’m a little surprised Musk isn’t threatening to primary people over the bill. Maybe that’s happening in private, I don’t know. But it could also reflect that Musk’s money is, at times, a political liability. When Musk dropped $20 million on his preferred Wisconsin Supreme Court candidate, that candidate got blown out of the water. Musk’s increasingly toxic reputation may make his money less welcome.
Still, Trump isn’t publicly chastising Musk, which is unusual. Maybe that’s because he’s waiting on a $100 million check to his political action committee, per The Wall Street Journal. Or maybe it’s because Musk is particularly close to Katie and Stephen Miller, two major Trump administration power players.
The basic truth of Donald Trump’s entire career, starting in real estate, is that he will fuck over anyone who does a deal with him as soon as it benefits him to do so. (Just ask Michael Cohen!) You can buy him, but he won’t stay bought. You have to keep an eye on him, keep managing him, as Stephen Miller knows well. Musk left the White House to tend to his own reputation, leaving his enemies behind to whisper in the president’s ear. Sure, he’s still got people in the administration, but it’s hard to effectively rule from the shadows when you’ve created a shocking amount of tension with the actual presidential staff. Musk set his own companies on fire, and this is what he’s gotten in return. What did you get for your money, honey? How do you get your kicks?
]]>Elon Musk isn’t as publicly, obviously involved in Washington as he used to be, that much is clear. But celebrations of his political exile are premature.
Sure, it’s true that Musk and Donald Trump’s bombastic joint press conferences have faded. Trump is no longer shooting Tesla ads on the White House lawn. And Musk has said that he’ll be stepping away from government and focusing on Tesla.
But Musk loves to lie. He’s said he’ll spend “a lot less” on politics in the future, but I am also old enough to remember “funding secured.” The government is still infested with his lackeys, such as Steve Davis, Chris Young, and Jehn Balajadia. Even in an announcement that was widely reported as Musk stepping back from DC, Musk made it clear he’d spend “a day or two per week” on politics for the rest of Trump’s term.
I tend to view the credulous political obituaries people have written as wishful thinking, but I do understand the impulse. So much of Musk’s whole thing is spectacle that when he’s no longer publicly performing, it’s possible to believe nothing is happening. This is a mistake. We don’t even know the extent of what DOGE has done so far, and in the absence of a serious GAO report, we may never know.
DC is famously Hollywood for ugly people, which meant a lot of big egos were not particularly amused by Musk
Musk’s use of spectacle, up to this year, had saved Tesla a need for a marketing budget. (Why would you need to buy ads when your celebrity CEO is hosting Saturday Night Live?) He cultivated an intense fan base, who bought Tesla stock and sent it sky-high. For much of the world — and much of the tech industry — Musk was a synecdoche for Silicon Valley’s success. Even Steve Jobs wasn’t this famous; you’d have to go back to Howard Hughes to find someone remotely comparable.
But Musk’s spotlight — and his Inauguration Day gesture that rather resembled something I think we’ve all seen before — put his IT Renfields under a glare. It was obvious that DOGE was not saving anyone money and targeting the regulators that oversaw Musk companies. And DC is famously Hollywood for ugly people, which meant a lot of big egos were not particularly amused by Musk being the center of attention.
Trump, ostensibly president of the United States, has a long history of hiring people who hate each other and watching them fight; it was a hallmark of his first administration. And so reports of clashes between Musk and his various officials seemed inevitable — no one wants to become, say, treasury secretary and then discover that Musk will be making all the decisions. Even Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, managed to show some semblance of a spine when Musk encroached on Rubio’s turf. This has now spilled into the public eye, becoming part of the Musk circus; because Trump is just as media-addled as Musk, reports of boldly standing up to Musk could even lead to real political clout.
And Musk wasn’t just beefing with bureaucrats. Because Musk so publicly associated himself with Tesla — which had been a marketing bonanza throughout the 2010s — expressing disapproval with Musk was easy: target Tesla. There was also a series of extremely funny protests against Tesla. Tesla owners have been slapping bumper stickers on their cars in the hopes of avoiding social opprobrium. They complain about mean-mugging, middle fingers, and worse.
Musk has still got plenty of power and influence
Tesla’s sales have slumped. So has its stock price, down about 11 percent this year, as of this writing. And that’s a problem for Musk, whose money (and thus power) is intimately tied to Tesla’s share price. Plus, Musk has admitted he takes this personally. That makes sense — he wouldn’t have cultivated such an enormous public persona if that weren’t important to him.
But the spectacle is merely a tool. Musk is capable of moving quietly as well.
The thing with the chainsaw was not Musk’s first rodeo, just his weirdest. He’s flexed political muscles before more quietly, mostly through his money. It’s part of how he got friendly deals for his factories — something he was so effective at that Jeff Bezos attempted to imitate him — and his government contracts, most notably at SpaceX.
Lying low for a while may benefit Musk. DOGE has spawned a vast array of lawsuits and has been handed repeated defeats in court — including recently, when after DOGE broke into the US Institute of Peace, aided and abetted by the DC police, a judge ruled that the takeover was illegal. The building, worth $500 million, and the rest of the USIP’s property, including its endowment, had been handed off to the General Services Administration. Those transfers must be “declared null and void,” the judge wrote.
Musk has still got plenty of power and influence, accompanying Trump to foreign countries and joining meetings with international leaders. Any Republican elected official who upsets him still has to worry about a petty and vindictive Musk-funded primary challenge. There’s a supposed 130-day time limit on temporary government employees, but it won’t matter to Musk, whose default stance is defying the law to see if it has teeth. I see no reason his behavior will change in the Trump era, particularly since law no longer seems to apply to anyone who’s a Trump supporter.
Meanwhile, all the focus on Musk has obscured the roles of other Silicon Valley luminaries in DC. Peter Thiel proteges have landed in several cushy jobs, including at Health and Human Services, which has awarded Thiel’s Palantir juicy contracts. And Thiel, of course, is the majority owner of Vice President JD Vance, who not only worked at Thiel’s Mithril Capital, but also had his Senate run financed by the billionaire. Marc Andreessen, David Sacks, and Palmer Luckey also have friends in the administration. The crypto world essentially purchased the presidency. If Musk is less public, it’s possible a new Silicon Valley punching bag will emerge.
But let’s say Musk is actually done with politics. After all the carnage he has accomplished already, what else is left to fuck up? Having created chaos, he can simply watch things crumble. The tech overlords have a pay-to-play system installed with the Trump administration, and no shortage of money. A number of key regulators have been dissolved or otherwise hamstrung. Indeed, Musk seems to recognize this. Asked if his personal leadership was necessary for DOGE, Musk replied, “Is Buddha needed for Buddhism? Was it not stronger after he passed away?”
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